Chapter                                                                    Page

 The Attitude of churches of Christ, Past and Present, Towards War 
				          by W. Crosthwaite ... ... ... 1
 The Story of the Witness by R. K. Francis. ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 4
 Facts and Figures by Jack Luck. ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... .. 7
 The Ground of Objection to Military Service by W. H. Cook. ... ... ... 10
 The Tribunals by W. Norman Nelmes. ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 13
 Handed Over by Edward Bonser. ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ...  16
 Court-Martialled by Slater Wilson. ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 19
 Prison by Robert Price ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 22
 The Death Sentence by Clifford Cartwright. ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 25
 Even Unto Death (Memoir of Arthur Wilson) by T. E. Entwistle.. ... ... 27
 Alternative Service by R. B. Scott ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 30
 The Home Office Scheme by E. C. Gould. ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 33
 Home Office Work Centres by J. Holmes. ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 37
 'In Prison and Ye Visited Me' by J. Scouller. .... ... ... ... ... ... 40
 Practical Sympathy by George Hassell.. ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 42
 Correspondence by Jack Luck... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 44
 The Conferences by A. E. Smith.... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 50
 The Future By George Hassell.. ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 55

'Do not be surprised at finding that that scorching flame of persecution is raging amongst you to put you to the test - as though some surprising thing were accidentally happening to you. On the contrary, in the degree that you share in the sufferings of the Christ, rejoice, so that at the unveiling of His glory, you may also rejoice with triumphant gladness. You are to be envied; if you are being reproached for bearing the name of Christ; for in that case the Spirit of glory - even the Spirit of God - is resting upon you.' 1 PETER IV. 12-14 (Dr. Weymouth's Translation.)

Truth never dies. The ages come and go;
The mountains wear away; the seas retire;
Destruction lays earth's mighty cities low;
And empires, states, and dynasties expire;
But, caught and handed onward by the wise,
Truth never dies.

Though unreceived and scoffed at through the year;
Though made the butt of ridicule and jest;
Though held aloft for mockery and jeers,
Denied by those of transient power possessed,
Insulted by the insolence of lies,
Truth never dies.

It answers not; it does not take offence,
But with a mighty silence bides its time;
As some great cliff that braves the elements,
And lifts through all the storms its head sublime,
And never dies.

As rests the Sphinx amid Egyptian sands;
As loom on high the snowy peak and crest;
As firm and patient as Gibraltar stands,
So truth, unwearied, waits the era blest,
When men shall turn to it with great surprise.
Truth never dies.

Author Unknown

THE writer's life has been spent under the influence and teaching of the 'Churches of Christ.' The antagonism between war and the principles of the Prince of Peace - the belief that 'God is forgotten in war, and every principle of Christianity is trampled underfoot' - were early and indelibly impressed on both mind and heart. The discipline and dismissal of members who joined the 'forces' by Churches of Christ, told of their uncompromising attitude towards war. The statements of representative Brethren were never called in question.

A. CAMPBELL: 'The precepts of Christianity positively inhibit war ... no wonder, then, that for two or three centuries after Christ all Christians refused to bear arms.'

DAVID KING: 'I have visited many Churches, conversed with Brethren, and received letters from many others, and their testimony is one ... that the only weapons which a Christian can use without offence to the Lord, are those which are not carnal ... Being followers of the Prince of Peace, we will not, because we dare not, deal out death and destruction - the work of slaughter cannot be ours ... And they would implore every one upon whom the name of the Lord has been called, as they value the favour of the Lord and eternal life, to stand with those who, in the past age and now, have proclaimed. 'We are Christians and cannot fight.' I am convinced that I express the mind of the brethren in this country. If it were called for, I would undertake to obtain a declaration from the Churches of the United Kingdom.' British Millenial Harbinger, Vol. XV. P.28.

It is said now, that if these Brethren had been living today they would have changed their attitude to war, and other questions, too. The point is, 'Were they right then?' Did they correctly interpret the mind of the Lord? If so, to what would they have changed? The following resolution passed by the Annual Meeting of 1900, during the Transvaal War, is clear and emphatic:

'As loyal subjects of the Prince of Peace, we, delegates and members of Churches of Christ in Great Britain and Ireland, in Annual Meeting assembled in Liverpool, feel it to be our duty to record our solemn protest against the military spirit now so prevalent in British Society generally, and to express our deep grief and regret that this spirit so largely permeates many sections of the Churches professing to be Christian, and which spirit we believe to be out of harmony with and antagonistic to the teachings of our Lord.' Year Book, 1900, Bible Advocate, Aug. 17, 1900.

Certain it is that the teachings of our Lord do not change, however much His professed followers may. Still more recently, on the very outbreak of the great World War, the following resolution was passed:

'The Annual Conference of Churches of Christ assembled in Wigan thanks His Majesty's Government for their determined efforts to maintain the peace of Europe. Seeing that these efforts have unfortunately proved unavailing, we would now respectfully call upon the Government to maintain absolute neutrality in this deplorable war, as being in the highest and best interests of our national life.' Year Book, 1914, p.164.

What need of further testimony as to the attitude of the 'Churches of Christ' from their earliest days to the year 1914?

But what pen could describe the transformation of the following years? The military spirit, deplored by the Annual Meeting at Liverpool, soon permeated the Churches of Christ. Leaders urged our young men to enlist and fight for King and Country, and scant sympathy was given to those who stood for the old attitude. With the coming of conscription, we saw our young men turned down by tribunals of which leaders in their own Churches were chairmen. Brethren, some of whom were elders in the Churches, sat on magisterial benches and handed their own Brethren over to their persecutors. The words of the Master had almost a complete and literal fulfilment: 'And brother shall deliver up brother to death ... And ye shall be hated of all men for My name's sake.' (Mark xiii.12-13).

When Brethren appeared before the magistrates and stated they were members of the Church of Christ, and had always been taught that war was contrary to the teaching of the Master, letters, of which the following are samples, appeared in local papers, in different districts:

A LIBEL ON A CHURCH

'Sir, will you allow me as a member of that Church to protest against a statement going forth from one who evidently thinks more of his own skin than of his duty to his King and Country, which is calculated to give the impression to your readers that these peculiar views are held and taught by that Church. As a matter of fact, the very opposite is the truth ... the Roll of Honour, containing the names of those who have gone to serve their country in its hour of need, is of sufficient length to justify pride on the part of the Church members.'

'Sir, as Chairman-elect of the Conference of that body (the Church of Christ) may I be allowed to say that neither the publishers nor the contents of the Apostolic Messenger are representative of the views held by the great majority of our members. Our sons have offered themselves as freely in proportion as those of any other religious body, because like them, though we hate war as such, we hate injustice, tyranny, and inhumanity even more. Many of our men have already fallen, and our Roll of Honour would demonstrate that on the whole our patriotism and loyalty to be powers that be are beyond question.'

The Editor's comment is well worth quoting here:

'We find reprinted in the current issue of the Apostolic Messenger what is described as a leader from the Bible Advocate of November 8, 1901, stating, "The atmosphere of militarism, the demand made upon him who enlists in the army, make it impossible for a Christian to be a soldier ... When a man enlists he disowns the most precious qualities of manhood." Are we to understand that the official organ of the Churches of Christ has renounced this article of its creed?'

There was no answer to this poser.

The secretary of another District Committee wrote to the local paper stating that the attitude of the C.O. Brethren, who had just appeared before the tribunal

'Must not be taken as representing the position of the Churches whose general attitude to the war is more rightly interpreted by His Worship the Mayor, ... whom we are honoured in having as one of our esteemed leaders. We wish the young men who have gone from us at the call of their native land to feel that they certainly have our deepest affection and regard in the sacrifice they are making.'

The Official Organ, the Bible Advocate, Feb. 4, 1916, contained the following:

'"The Friends" have offered to lend help to churches that take the view that all war is objectionable. We as a people do not take that view, but we think individuals can secure alliance with them.'

After being trained up to the year 1914 by the Churches of Christ to believe that war is 'antagonistic to the teachings of our Lord,' when the time came for acting on those principles, we were directed for help to the Society of Friends! Comment is needless.

Enough has now been written on the attitude of the Churches towards war, past and present. I have done little else than give the facts. At the last Annual Meeting held at Liverpool, August, 1920, a resolution, as follows, was passed: 'That the Conference never has condoned and sanctioned war.' Again, we make no comment. All that we have written and know of the attitude of the Churches of Christ towards war, goes to prove the truth of Mr. J. Morgan Gibbon's statement at the meeting of the Congregational Union: 'The conscientious objector stands today where we all stood yesterday, and where we shall all be standing again tomorrow, or the day after.' History repeats itself; our trying experience during the past six years was no new thing, as J.R. Lowell has well shown:

Then to side with truth is noble, when we share her wretched crust,
Ere her cause brings fame and profit, and 'tis prosperous to be just,
Then it is the brave man chooses, while the coward stands aside,
Doubting in his abject spirit, till his Lord is crucified,
And the multitude make virtue of the faith they had denied.

For humanity sweeps onward: where today the martyr stands;
On the morrow crouches Judas with the silver in his hands;
Far in front the cross stands ready, and the crackling faggots burn,
While the hooting mob of yesterday in silent awe return,
To glean up the scattered ashes into History's golden urn.

The Changeless Mind
Sonnet on the Castle of Chillon

Eternal spirit of the changeless mind!
Brightest in dungeons, Liberty, thou art!
For there they habitation is the heart -
The heart which love of thee alone can bind;
And when thy sons to fetters are consigned -
To fetters, and the damp vaults dayless gloom -
Their country conquers in their martyrdom,
And Freedom's fame finds wing on every wind.
Chillon! thy prison is a holy place,
And thy sad floor an altar, for 'twas trod,
Until his very steps have left a trace
Worn, as if they cold pavement were a sod,
By Bounivard! May none these marks efface!
For they appeal from tyranny to God.

'The following prisons bear testimony to the moral courage and spiritual faith of these brethren:

Wormwood Scrubbs, Winchester, Wakefield, Knutsford, Hull, Shrewsbury, Dorchester, Dartmoor, Durham, Manchester, Liverpool, and Northallerton!

I visited numbers of them in some of these prisons, and the times spent together with these men in such circumstances were times of inspiration and spiritual power. They were lights in dark places; salt of the earth. We thank God for their witness.'

R.K. FRANCIS

AS New Testament Christians we believe in the existence of a Higher Power, and we have a sense of dependence there upon. As 'new creatures' in Christ Jesus, we have a new standard of measurement for men and things. We believe that He only has the right to rule in our heart and life; consequently numbers of us could not, in 1914, accept the position then forced upon us, in which there was the abnegation of individual responsibility, the surrender of conscience and conduct to the will of another. We were then plunged suddenly and unexpectedly into a condition of things in which as Christians many of us knew not how to act. We ought to have been prepared, but we were not. An issue arose which engaged the minds and exercised the hearts of our Church members, and which, unfortunately, caused great estrangement within our ranks.

THE WAR

This horrible, barbarous thing plunged our churches into a confused, uncertain and distracted condition. Some among us had their faith shattered; and what is even more lamentable to me is the fact that, speaking generally, our preachers and church officers seemed either unable or unwilling to seek to restore such, or to lay the foundation of a more enduring faith. When midnight struck on Tuesday, August 4, 1914, it found England at war with Germany. The immense majority of British people were soon in no doubt as to the objects which the war, in their judgment, was to accomplish.

We were told that the war was a battle for spiritual ideals. We heard about 'fighting for hearth and home.' It is sadly amusing how women and children are always put into the firing line of pro-war argument. Commonsense says international arbitration would provide far better for our wives and families. Certain it is that the Christian faith is irrevocably opposed to war, and to all violence of man against man. But unfortunately many of the leaders and teachers in our own community had pinned their faith to our statesmen far more strongly than to the Lord Jesus Christ, with the result that, as Churches, we went back upon our faith.

Many of our young men went into this business not because they liked it, but because many, yea most, of them uneducated for it, had to solve the problem for themselves. Not one ray of New Testament light, on the question of Christianity and Militarism, was given them in the editorials or articles of our Magazines; and, with few striking exceptions, Church elders failed to give them any New Testament lead. Rather was it the reverse, some even handing C.O.'s over to prison instead of giving New Testament teaching on the question. Some of these lads we know yearned for New Testament teaching and guidance from their elders, but such was not forthcoming. We older ones may yet have to answer for this failure; as it is, we are already reaping what we have sown, in the apathy of our churches. Remember they were our own lads; our own sons; our Sunday School teachers, and church workers. They were lads of principles; show them the New Testament teaching on this question, and we believe they will follow it. They may need to be reminded that the right side of the question is not always the side of the crowd; nor the money side; nor even always the winning side. Neither victory nor defeat, however, change wrong into right, or right into wrong. But we believe our lads are anxious to do right and follow New Testament teaching on this as on other questions. Their sincerity I have never doubted, nor their bravery and self-sacrifice. I respect those lads who so went. I have, however, no respect for those who, while urging others to go, stayed at home themselves, and in some instances made capital out of the war.

THE WITNESSES

We are, however, thankful and proud that throughout our Churches there were so many prepared to maintain the old position, who, believing that Christianity does not sanction war in general; that the whole genius of Christianity is antagonistic to the spirit and article of war; and being unable to find any warrant in our New Testament for Christians to go to war; were found ready to stand loyal to conscience, to what they believed to be the teaching of God's Word. These men made history in making the momentous decisions for themselves, some of them in the privacy of their closets, on bended knees; decisions which involved imprisonment, 'crucifixion' and death. They dared to stand against the majority and be unpopular rather than untrue to conscience. Hear what a man of the world thinks of such characters.

In the course of a short but brilliant defence of the conscientious objector, in the House of Commons, Captain Gwynn said:

'These people are not a blight upon the community: they may very probably prove to be, in my opinion, the very salt of the community. I am speaking now as one who has seen war. I think that every one who has seen war has one governing desire, and that is to see war abolished from the world. I am not at all sure that these people, who we propose to reject as outcasts of the State, may not be the best people to help in the fight to make an end of war.

There is one thing that nobody can deny them, and that is courage - the most difficult form of courage in the world, the courage of the individual against the crowd. That is the courage which every State would do well to protect and guard. That is the courage which, above all others, makes for freedom.'

But these men as disciples of the Christ knew that the doctrine of Peace was not a modern one. In their own minds and hearts, and by Him who called them, they were compelled to become conscientious objectors; and in His name they suffered. The following prisons bear testimony to the moral courage and spiritual faith of these brethren: Wormwood Scrubs, Winchester, Wakefield, Knutsford, Hull, Shrewsbury, Durham, Manchester, Liverpool, Northallerton, Dorchester, and Dartmoor. I visited numbers of them in some of these prisons, and the times spent together with these men in such circumstances were times of inspiration and spiritual power. They were light in dark places, the salt of the earth. We thank God for their witness. Others of our number were in detention camps and work centres; and one even unto death.

Who amongst us thought there would be such noble and stedfast examples during the cruel years of war? They were men of faith, drawn from the rank and file of the brotherhood. They showed that character is the one possession that is elevated above the vicissitudes of fortune.

In the light of events of the past seven years, I view Res. 11 of the 1914 Annual Meeting as recording one of the best pieces of work we did that week. We called 'upon the Government to maintain absolute neutrality in this deplorable war, as being in the highest and best interests of our national life.' True! it is a pious resolution, and we were not all strong enough to abide by it; but it expresses a high Christian sentiment, and I am thankful it is on the minutes of our representative assembly. And for those who took silently the hand of duty and followed her, believing:

We owe allegiance to the State; but deeper, truer, more
To the sympathies that God hath set within our spirit's core.

The pacifist brethren do not believe the proposition that force is a remedy for evil; therefore when the State pressed a claim for personal service for war, we were compelled to object. The State's claim is not that its citizens fight for it - when the cause is just and right, but that they shall fight for it at any time when the State orders them. This we cannot do. We cannot be bound unconditionally to be obedient to the State. We believe that if the church has a function towards the nation, it is to lead the nation into a real, living faith in God. Here, in August, 1914, was an opportunity to do so, a magnificent opportunity, but the church, as a whole, lamentably failed. Yet not all. There were young men, throughout the churches, who were:

'To duty firm and conscience true
However tried and pressed.

And well would it be for the Churches as a whole if they would learn the lesson of these witnesses - to diffuse through the communities the spirit of the Christ

'We need once more to catch the martyr-spirit, a belief in the absoluteness of the Christian faith translated into facts which shall make the Church "a peculiar people," whose strength does not lie in any false blending of light and darkness, but in her renunciation of and aloofness from the world, and in her defiance of all social systems, organised politics, and world interests which are antagonistic to the great laws of the Christian Commonwealth .... Our task is to win the Churches to that position. Who is sufficient for these things? Our sufficiency is of God.'

I rejoice in the good spirit and true appreciation which our soldier boys and our C.O.'s have shown the one to the other. There has been on each side a recognition of the others' courage and manliness. We only wish this right spirit had been more manifest amongst our 'stayed home' militarists.

Now let the love and spirit of our Lord bind us into one for service and sacrifice, 'keeping the home fires burning.'

We love no triumphs gained by force - they stain the brightest cause;
'Tis not in blood that liberty inscribes her sacred laws;
She writes them on the people's hearts, in language clear and plain;
True thoughts have moved the world before, and so they shall again.

We want no aid of barricade to show a front to wrong;
We have a fortress in the truth more durable and strong.
Calm words, great thoughts, unflinching faith, have never striven in vain,
They've won our victories many a time, and so they shall again.

We want no flag - no flaunting rag -
In Liberty's cause to fight;
We want no blaze of murderous guns
To struggle for the right;

Our spears and swords are printed words -
The mind's our battle plain;
We've won our victories thus before,
And so we shall again.

We yield to none in earnest love
Of Freedom's cause sublime;
We join the cry - 'Fraternity!'
We keep the march of Time.

And yet we grasp no spear or sword
Our victories to obtain;
We've won without such help before,
And so we shall again.

Peace, progress, knowledge, brotherhood,
The Ignorant may sneer -
The bad deny; but we rely
To see their triumph near.

No widow's groans shall mar our cause,
No blood of brethren slain;
Kindness and Love have won before,
And so they shall again.

THE first statistical data indicative of the number of members of the Church of Christ who still held opposition to carnal warfare as a vital principle of the faith was obtained as the result of a suggestion made by Bro. Ponting, of Swindon, to Bro. Entwistle in the early days of 1916. The suggestion was that a signed protest be presented to His Majesty's Government; a suggestion which Bro. Entwistle heartily endorsed, having already been in correspondence with the Premier and other heads of the Government on the question.

The wording of the protest is given, as are also the letters preceding same on account of their historical interest.

A PROTEST BY MEMBERS OF THE CHURCHES OF CHRIST AGAINST THE MILITARY SERVICE ACT

The following Members of the Churches of Christ object on conscientious grounds to rendering Military Service of any kind, or to taking the Military Oath.

We beg, therefore, to protest against the suggested introduction of Compulsory Military Service, and if it is introduced we are prepared to resist it with all our powers, by the grace of God, in spite of fine, imprisonment, or, if need be, death.

We are prepared to help the country in any way not requiring us to take the Military Oath, and leaving us the freedom of conscience we claim as followers of the Lord Jesus Christ.

The following letters will show what little was done to follow up the protest and help swell the chorus raised by others:

TO THE RIGHT HON. H.H. ASQUITH,
PRIME MINISTER
4/1/16

Dear Sir - The enclosed sheets are the first batch of signed protest forms that are coming in from our members of the community known as Churches of Christ.

We hope His Majesty's Government will see its way even at this late hour, to withhold or withdraw any proposed measure of compulsion, as such a measure can only divide the country at this critical time, seeing there are thousands of men who simply cannot render military service of any kind owing to religious convictions, and on other conscientious grounds.

Yours, etc.,

T.E. ENTWISTLE

TO THE RIGHT HON. H.H. ASQUITH,
PRIME MINISTER
11/1/16

Dear Sir - On behalf of those members of the Churches of Christ whose signed protest I forwarded last week, and many others still signing the same protest, I wish to say that we beg the Government to make the exemption clause for the conscientious objector a real and complete exemption from rendering military service of any kind, as that only can meet our need. We object on conscientious grounds, to taking the military oath, and therefore, the partial exemption of the Bill now before Parliament does not meet our need..

We are not anxious to clash with the powers that be, and, of course, we eschew all violence, but we cannot violate conscience in this matter. We must obey God rather than men.

Trusting a complete measure of exemption will be granted to all such as those described above,

I remain, yours, etc.,

T.E. ENTWISTLE.

TO THE RIGHT HON. H.H. ASQUITH,
PRIME MINISTER
23/1/16

Dear Sir - In sending on the additional signatures to protest forms enclosed, I wish to say, for myself, and on behalf of those who have signed, that whilst we appreciate the Government's recognition that the conscientious objector has some rights, we regret to say that from our point of view, the safeguards proposed afford no adequate protection, and we beg of the Government even yet to make such amendment of the Bill before Parliament (Military Service No. 2 Bill) as will make it certain that no man will be persecuted for obeying his conscience.

We still protest against the adoption of compulsion, and if the measure is passed, we will pray and labour for the speedy repeal of an Act containing so pernicious a principle.

Yours respectfully,

T.E. ENTWISTLE

The protest was signed by 323 male members of the Churches, while 28 names were appended of those who were 'in complete sympathy with those who signed the protest form, though unable, for various reasons, to sign themselves. In two or three cases, at least, they are names of brethren who have been compelled, by economic pressure, to attest against their own wish. Some three or four names are those of Baptist friends who desired to join in the protest.'

Taking into account the unequivocal terms in which the protest was couched, the response was considered encouraging.

The next step was the co-operation of those in different parts of the country who were endeavouring to tabulate statistics and to keep in touch with individuals and groups concerned. This was effected by the United Peace Conference of August, 1916, which asked the writer to act as correspondent secretary to those who were away from home on account of their resistance to the Military Service Acts.

Here one would gratefully tender thanks to those who have assisted in the execution of this duty.

Immediately succeeding the above mentioned Conference, The Apostolic Messenger, whose columns were always open for the advocacy of the cause of Peace, published a notice requesting those who were going through the fires of persecution, or friends of the same, to send names and particulars to the writer. The Editor of the Bible Advocate was good enough to publish a similar notice in the columns of that journal. These notices appeared in every issue of the two magazines until the trouble was past. A list was published every month in the Apostolic Messenger giving the whereabouts and movements of brethren in any way affected. In this way, we believe, 'they that were scattered abroad' were enabled to establish and sustain a rich spiritual fellowship.

When, at a later date, the Government permitted conscientious objectors who had served a period in prison to accept work of national importance providing that it was at least twenty miles from their homes (assuming that they were willing to accept same, which many were not), the Apostolic Messenger readily inserted a notice inviting any member of the Churches who has such work to offer to send particulars to the writer. Unfortunately, the response to this appeal was practically nil.

Drawn from the above sources, we publish the following statistics of cases of which we have personal and in some instances intimate cognisance. We would point out that there must be many isolated cases of which we were not advised.

Number of Brethren who were arrested as a result of resisting the Military Service Acts ... 61

Number of Brethren who were Court-Martialled:

Once ... ... ... 49
Twice ... ... ... 5
Three times ... ... 2
Four times ... ... ... 4

Number of Brethren imprisoned:

For less than 112 days ... ... 29
From 112 days to twelve months ... 19
From one to two years ... ... 10
Over two years ... ... ... 2

Number of Brethren released from prison on medical grounds:... ... 2
Number of Brethren who accepted alternative service after a term of imprisonment ... ... 43
Number of Brethren who were awarded alternative service by Tribunal and accepted same ... 18

In addition to the above, one brother entered the Non-Combatant Corps, afterwards withdrawing and suffering ten months imprisonment.

Also Bro. Arthur Wilson passed away whilst in Strangeways Gaol, Manchester, (see page 71), and Bro. Clifford Cartwright was sentenced to death in France, which sentence was afterwards commuted to ten years penal servitude (see page 65).

HOSEA BIGLOW CONSCIENTIOUSLY OBJECTS

Es fer war, I call it murder -
There you hev it, plain and flat;
I don't want to go no furder
Than my Testyment for that;

God hes said so, plump and fairly -
It's es long es it is broad -
An' you've got to git up airly
If you want to take in God.

'Taint your eppylets an' feathers
Make the thing a grain more right;
'Taint a-follering your bell-wethers
Will excuse ye in His sight.

Ef you take a sword an' dror it,
An go stick a feller thru,
Guv'ment aint to answer for it,
God'll send the bill to you.

Wut's the use of meetin'-goin,
Every Sabbath, wet or dry,
Ef it's right to go a-mowin
Feller-men - like oats and rye?

I dunno but wut it's pooty
Trainin' round in bobtail coats,
But it's curus Christian duty
This 'ere cutting' of folks' throats.

I'll return ye good for evil
Much es we frail mortils can;
But I won't go help the Devil
Making man the cus of man.

Call me coward, call me traitor,
Jest es suits your mean idees -
Here I stand a tyrant hater
An' the friend o' God an' Peace.

J. RUSSELL LOWELL.

I WELL remember that, as a boy at school, I occasionally asked myself the question, 'What should I do if I was called upon to be a soldier?' I cannot exactly say why that question presented itself, but I think it was due to one of the following causes: either it was because many of the lessons of history, poetry, reading and music were saturated with the martial spirit - war was continually eulogised; or it may have been because we were sometimes told that very probably every youth would have to submit to a period of compulsory military training. The question came to me in later years, and I felt that to be a soldier I should have to cast aside Christian principles. Never at any period of my life have I thought that the pursuit of a soldier was in keeping with the Christian ethic. I have, however, for a while, questioned as to whether I was right in my conclusions, owing to the fact of so many of my brethren joining the army. I thought it strange that they should all be wrong, and I was led to further serious consideration of the matter, only to be more convinced than ever that Christianity and war are as far apart as the poles.

May I suggest one or two reasons for our objections to military service?

In the first place I submit that the call to military service to the Christian is

NOT THE CALL OF DUTY

as is often asserted. We have acknowledged Jesus as Lord. He calls us to take up the cross daily and follow Him. Unless we are prepared to sacrifice all for Him we are not worthy of Him. He is Lord of all, and therefore it is our duty so to live that in all things He may have the pre-eminence. We have frequently been told that it is our duty to fight, but if to fight is not in harmony with the teaching of Jesus, then, as Christians, it is not our duty at all. I wish to emphasise that not only is military service out of harmony with the call of Christ, but it is in defiance of it because it sets itself up as imperative; everything must be set aside for military necessity. Because it exalts and opposes itself above all that is called God it shall be revealed in its wickedness and perish. It is not military leaders alone who set militarism upon such an exalted plane, but unfortunately many who have named the name of Jesus advocate the same cult. It is not an exaggeration to say that for a period war was exalted and the Cross was thrust into the background. I quote a statement made to me in reference to a debate that was taking place on spiritual matters. The opinion was given 'that it is ridiculous troubling about things like that when a great war is going on.' Then Scripture study must be despised when such an important thing as war is being waged! As Christians, our attitude to war should be one of absolute indifference, except when we turn to it with damning epithets upon our lips. Thus shall we pay to war its rightful tribute.

It is worthy of notice here that most of the people who uphold a war deny that they are in favour of war. Their position really is that they are against war in general but in agreement with every war in particular. Brethren, if war is wrong, let us not do evil in the hope that good may come. If those who call us to war emphasise the call as being so important that every other consideration must be cast aside, that fact alone proves that for us it is not the call of duty. Christ is Lord and if militarism claims the first place it usurps the position that is Christ's. Whatever happens in the world, even if leaders of nations launch upon war and conflict, it can have nothing to do with the course which we as Christians adopt. Our course has been marked out long ago. We must follow Jesus who said, 'My kingdom is not of this world; else would My servants fight!' We must follow in the train of His early disciples who said, 'We must obey God rather than men,' and who, for three hundred years, went to the stake rather than wield the carnal sword.

Another reason for our opposition to war is that while Christ is universal,

WAR IS DISTINCTLY NATIONAL.

Christ said to His disciples, 'Go ye into all the world and preach the gospel to every creature ...' Paul gave utterance to this sublime truth at Antioch, when he said: 'Be it known unto you that through this man (Jesus) is preached unto you the forgiveness of sins and by Him all that believe are justified ...' John emphasised the same thought: 'He is the propitiation for our sins and not for ours only but also for the sins of the whole world.'

John Wesley, having learned that Christ died for all, looked upon the world as his parish. When America contemplated coming into the war, a minister in that country spoke thus to his congregation - and one thought how refreshing were the words amidst the rubbish that was continually being preached:

So long as I am your minister, this church will answer no military summons. Other pulpits may preach recruiting sermons; mine will not. Other parish houses may be turned into drill halls and rifle ranges; ours will not. Other clergymen will pray to God for victory for our arms; I will not. In this church, if nowhere else in America, the Germans will still be included in the family of God's children!

These words do not merely express man's opinion, but they express a fact of the gospel. It is a fact to which many have blinded their eyes during the past years. It is a fact which must be acknowledged, if we read our New Testaments. So glorious is that fact of frontiers broken down that all nations should rejoice. Nationality may mean something to some people, but it will not bring favour with God. He is no respecter of persons. His salvation is as wide as the world. His message is 'Whosoever will, let him take of the water of life freely.' How can this spirit breathe in the atmosphere of militarism?

Another reason for our opposition to war is that it is brutal, conceived in hatred, and

OPPOSED TO THE SPIRIT OF CHRIST.

Unequivocally, does Jesus announce the test of discipleship: 'By this shall all men know that ye are My disciples; if ye have love one to another.' Christian principles are violated in war. Lord Fisher expressed the war spirit truly when he said, 'The essence of war is violence; moderation in war is imbecility. Hit first, hit hard, and hit anywhere.' The essence of war is violence, and if I believed in war I would be ruthless, doing all the harm that I possibly could. By such brutality I should exhibit the spirit of war.

Dr. Salter revealed the realities of war when he wrote: 'Look! Christ in khaki out in France thrusting his bayonet into the body of a German workman. See! the Son of God with a machine gun ambushing a column of German infantry, catching them unawares and mowing them down in their helplessness. Hark! The Man of Sorrows in a cavalry charge, cutting, hacking, thrusting, crushing, cheering. No! No! That picture is an impossible one, and we all know it.'

As followers of Jesus we rejoice because He requires no such methods in the interests of His Kingdom. Wielding the 'sword of the Spirit which is the word of God,' we are told to put up into its sheath the sword of steel, 'for they that take the sword shall perish with the sword.' 'Thou shalt love the Lord they God with all thy heart and with all thy mind and with all thy strength and thy neighbour as thyself.' The law of the new kingdom is, 'Resist not him that is evil; but whosoever smiteth thee on the right cheek turn to him the other also ... 'Love your enemies and pray for them that persecute you, that ye may be the sons of your Father who is in heaven, for He maketh His sun to rise on the evil and the good, and sendeth the rain on the just and the unjust. For if ye love them that love you, what reward have you? Do not even the publicans the same?

We want no flag, no flaunting rag,
In liberty's cause to fight;
We want no din of murderous gun,
To battle for the right;

No widow's groans shall mar our cause,
No blood of brethren slain;
Kindness and love have won before,
And so they shall again.

Again, we oppose military service because it

REDUCES MEN TO MACHINES.

A man's individuality is obliterated. Paul Gillan, who died in Winchester gaol, in March, 1918, wrote to the Home Office six months before his decease thus:

'To submit to military discipline means to me the negation of all that is noble, all that is loving, all that is pure and kind; the negation of all that is divine; in short, the negation of all that constitutes a man.' Christ calls us to follow Him, to take upon us His yoke. No coercion is used: the choice is ours. 'Let us stand fast in the liberty wherewith Christ hath made us free.'

Further, we oppose military service because it

ENCOURAGES CASTE,

and distinctions made by men are foreign to the spirit of Christ. Where do we see a greater display of caste than in the military system? The lack of friendliness between rank and rank, inherent in the system, has no support from the Church of Christ, but rather condemnation. All are one in Christ Jesus. 'There can be neither Jew nor Greek, there can be neither bond nor free, there can be no male and female; for ye are all one in Christ Jesus.'

In conclusion, may I suggest that we oppose military service because the policy of militarists is

FRANKLY DESTRUCTIVE.

This seems a paradox to many. Fighting to annihilate their enemies they hope for peace but instead they

bequeath a legacy of hatred and unrest. Others love their enemies and dwell in safety. When a man's ways please the Lord, he maketh even his enemies to be at peace with him. In the light of Scripture, in the light of history, we see that not the force of arms but the power of righteousness exalteth a nation.

Brethren, if we have disowned the Lord, let us with sincere repentance seek the throne of grace. If we have walked in the law of the Lord, let us still stand in the 'old paths.' If we differ on certain matters, let us diligently search for the will of God, and, having found it, let us ask for strength to put it into practice. Let us strive to edify one another in love. So shall the world stand in awe of a living Church and

'No longer hosts encountering hosts
Shall crowds of slain deplore,
They'll hang the trumpet in the hall,
And study war no more.'

The writer earnestly desires to express his love for those who, though differing, were always considerate. Also be desires to convey his deep sympathy to those who have been saddened and prays that the God of all comfort will bless them. His admiration for those who, against intense opposition, have stood for the testimony of Jesus is no less sincere. 'Great is your reward in heaven.'

THE SCOFFER

Old friend, I greet you! You are still the same:
You poisoned Socrates, you crucified Christ;
You have persecuted, mocked, denied,
Rejected God and cursed Him - in God's name.

You gave monotonously to the flame
All those (whom now you honour) when the new
Truth stung their lips - for fear it might be true:
Then reaped where they had sown and felt no shame.

THE Military Service No. 2 Bill, introduced by the Prime Minister on 5th January, 1916, saw the introduction of Compulsory Military Service. It applied only to single men and became law on 28th January. It was soon extended and applied to married men, and in its completed form received the Royal Assent on 25th May 1916.

In these measures, the Tribunals - Local, Appeal, and Central - were set up. Full and generous consideration was frankly promised in all cases of real hardship. The widow's only son was not to be taken, and the clergy of all denominations were exempt. Why this latter exemption we cannot guess, unless it was to leave them free to carry on their great work of national importance, which the great majority had so faithfully (?) been doing. The Government recognising their faithfulness kept faith with them and they were not taken. Not so, however, with the widow's only son, nor with the conscientious objector, concerning whom the Government's frank promises were as 'scraps of paper.'

In the Bill, however, the case of the conscientious objector was fairly met, and the proposed treatment was really generous. The clause was drafted without reference to Church or Creed. It simply ran 'on the ground of conscientious objection to the undertaking of combatant service' and provision was made for absolute, conditional, or temporary exemption according to circumstances. Not only was the sanctity of conscience recognised and respected by the Act, but the conscientious objector was promised fair play and a judicial and impartial hearing. In the official circulars issued by the Local Government Board for the guidance of Tribunals, it was said: 'The functions of the Local Tribunal will be of a judicial nature; persons will therefore be appointed who will consider the cases impartially.' And Again: 'The Local Authority, in making their appointments to the Tribunals, should bear in mind that the Tribunal will have to hear, among the applications, those made on the grounds of conscientious objections. Men who apply on this ground should be able to feel that they are being judged by a Tribunal that will deal fairly with their cases.'

The fault was not with the Act so much as with its working, and the greatest weakness and fault lay with the men who composed the Tribunals. Instead of being made to feel that they were being judged by a Tribunal that would deal fairly with their cases, conscientious objectors were made to feel the very reverse. As for my own experience before the Local Tribunal, and it was one of many similar, I was made to feel that all the members of the Tribunal who spoke - and they all spoke but one, and he impressed me as being ashamed of his company - were quite decided as to their decision before the case was heard. The chairman was simply a bully, and did his level best to browbeat the conscientious objector, for whom he showed a very special antipathy. If one was not prepared to submit to the bullying, then there was a row in which the chairman's voice was very prominent. A more injudicial procedure could not well be imagined. The military representative, in this case, was a perfect gentleman. He pointed out to the Tribunal that the letter which he had on my behalf from the Church of which I was a member stated that, 'the Churches with which we are associated hold views in common with the Society of Friends and other strongly opposed to war in general,' but it was no use. Sound argument was at a serious discount, and the hot discussion was suddenly closed by the chairman peremptorily shouting the word 'dismissed.' The oracle had spoken, so the case was dismissed. Feeling it my duty to lodge my protest against such a travesty of justice, I rose and attempted to speak, whereupon there was a furious uproar and cries of 'sit down.' This I did not do, and managed in the end to get a quiet hearing to my protest against the injustice which had been done. A report of the proceedings was drawn up which, after having been signed by several witnesses, was sent to the Home Secretary for Scotland. On the following day, a deputation of four pacifists who heard the proceedings went to London to see the Home Secretary, with the result that further instructions were issued to Tribunals.

Further instructions indeed! Of what avail were further instructions to Tribunals which were a law unto themselves? Tribunals composed of men who were often, perhaps we should say generally, quite unsuited for the position, often unutterably void of logic and packed full of bitter prejudice to boot, were vested with a little brief authority, and exercised their powers with most tyrannical sway. It was part of their official instructions that 'the Tribunals must interpret the Act in an impartial and tolerant spirit. Difference of opinion must not bias judgment.' Tribunal after Tribunal in every part of the country declared that it had not power to give complete exemption. Pledges of the Prime Minister were quoted to them and reference made to official circulars from the Local Government Board and they said, as at Durham, 'We are not bound by any statement made by any Member of Parliament, or any circular issued by the Local Government Board.' Some Tribunals would not let conscientious objectors speak at all. The Clerk at one Tribunal openly declared that he did not believe in conscientious objectors. A military representative said he did not think they ought to waste any time on conscientious objectors. One magistrate stated that he could not deal with any question of conscience; he was there to 'stop that rot.' At Wirral, the chairman of the Tribunal candidly announced, 'I wish the Government had not put this clause about conscientious objectors into the Act at all. I do not agree with it myself.'

At Girvan, a bailie on the Tribunal said, 'he would put all conscientious objectors in the very first line; it was all bunkum about conscientious objectors.' But the Tribunals 'must be impartially constituted.' Consequently Erith District Council, having ascertained that their representative on the Local Tribunal held views antagonistic to the Military Service Act and therefore could not exercise an impartial judgment, had him removed from the position and a new 'impartial' representative brought in, thus purging the Tribunal from all reproach of bias! A conscientious objector before the Liverpool Appeal Tribunal asked to be allowed to read certain letters giving evidence as to the sincerity of his objections.

Chairman: 'Anyone can produce evidence. If a friend comes to me and asks for evidence I try to please him.'

Applicant: 'Would you tell lies to please your friend?'

Chairman: 'No.'

Applicant: 'The friends who have given me these letters are in just as responsible positions as you are, and they do not tell lies.'

Chairman: 'We will dismiss the case.'

What a noble way out of a difficulty! He just shouts 'dismissed,' and the chairman's troubles end.

An appellant known to the writer personally was told by a Scottish tribunal that he could not be a conscientious objector because he repaired boots for miners who went down the pit to dig coals which were used by the navy! With such logic his case was dismissed. He refused to obey military orders and was sent to prison, where I had the privilege of visiting him. Thus, instead of justice, they received insult, and in place of fair judgment were treated with scorn and derision. But we are pleased to be in honour bound to say that such unfair and cruel treatment was not always given to the conscientious objector. It was my honour to be chosen to fight the religious test case for the city of Glasgow at the appeal Tribunal, and despite the fact that a scurrilous anonymous letter had been received concerning me, I am pleased to testify that I was given a good hearing, and received splendid treatment from both the military representative and the tribunal. I had to make a special appearance six weeks later because of the anonymous letter. I wish the writer of the same, who wrote in a disguised hand as if with a match stick, had been present to see the righteous indignation of the sheriff who presided, and to hear his scathing remarks. It would have done him good. He had already received the pamphlet 'Peace' which I had published, and evidently saw through the shabby attempts to have me sent to prison. I have the most profound respect for him and for the military representative, both of whom were gentlemen of justice and honour.

... ... ... ...

The foregoing sounds like Alice in Wonderland. But no; it is British history concerning the first steps in the persecuting of Christians, during a war which was ostensibly fought for freedom. A war which had the almost unanimous support of nearly every Christian denomination in this alleged Christian land. Christians worked for it. Recruiting for it was encouraged from gospel platforms and pulpits all over the country. Public prayer was continually being offered for the success of the carnal weapons of warfare, and fervent thanksgivings ascended to God every time news came of great slaughter in the enemy ranks. Such prostitution of prayer aroused in some of us feelings of revulsion, which must have been akin to those which moved our Scottish national poet, Robert Burns, to pen the following lines concerning thanksgiving for victories over the French in his day:

'Ye hypocrites! Are these your pranks?
To murder men and give God thanks?
Desist for shame! Proceed no further!
God won't accept your thanks for murder!

Many of the individual members of the churches, and I say it to their shame, gloated over the newspaper stories of the persecution of Christian conscientious objectors, and joined in the vulgar laughter when the faith of these Christians was held up to derision. Many not only disregarded the Sermon on the Mount, but found that they hated not only their enemies but everyone who did not share their hatred. The conscientious objector was boycotted in Church and State; and some of us do not need to travel far to find a church where the conscientious objector is boycotted even to this late date. What a travesty of New Testament Christianity - Christian liberty, fraternity, and equality!

nbsp;

VI. 'Handed Over.'
BY EDWARD BONSER

ONLY those people who have experienced being 'handed over' can understand the meaning of such a phrase, more especially when the term only applies to that type of manhood which is looked upon with contempt and even derision.

'Handed over' is a crude, harsh, rough phrase, and to realise its meaning three parties are necessarily concerned. In this case, two mighty powers - the authorities of the civil law and the military on the one hand - and an innocent individual deemed to have transgressed, on the other.

As a preamble, I must mention the first 'handling.' It occurred in May, 1916, when 'calling-up' notices were delivered and one knew too well the consequences of ignoring the same. A few days having lapsed after the date due to report at the recruiting station, the police officer in charge of the town mutually arranged to effect an arrest and removal to County Court for trial. Fortunately, I had a friend similarly situated, and our dual 'arrest' was systematically carried out, both prisoners meeting the 'knight of the handcuffs' at the railway station on the morning of May 30th. There was no scene.

Arriving at the County Hall, we were immediately confronted by a magistrate, and as Tuesday was not trial day, we were remanded in custody for twenty-four hours. This particular day and succeeding night will never be erased from memory. Deposited in a cell 15 ft. by 10 ft., ample privilege was afforded for meditation. Thoughts too numerous to take note of, or even remember, flashed spasmodically through that chamber which at such times appears to be unlimited and equally receptive to all demands. Pensive moods were frequent and took one home again to those very near and dear, from whom such a sudden separation was keenly felt; to the ideals and principles, non-violation of which resulted in the present position; to the future, unknown to us, but implicit faith and confidence was in 'Him who held the key.'

At intervals we were allowed the use of the court yard for exercise. This was about twenty yards long by six yards wide. The boundary walls peered well into the sky, and occasionally the sight of the valueless sparrow created the spirit of jealousy and envy in our hearts. One was accustomed to palatable food, served in an appetising way, but the manner and distribution and quality of the prison diet caused one to allow hunger to predominate, rather than submit to a much lower type of feeding. Picture the fare. Bits of potato (some hot, some cold), small portions of meat and gravy, all mixed together on a soup plate. As a wooden table-spoon was the only utensil available, brushing thoughts away, I made one attempt, which was sufficient. Placing one spoonful in my mouth, the teeth marks of a previous user could be felt on the spoon, and I felt 'fed up' - but hungry. This was dinner-time and I was naturally anxious, wondering if something better would arrive for tea. This anxiety was not allayed when my attention was directed to the 'menu,' which was posted up in the passage.

Here it is word for word:-

ALLOWANCE OF DIET

'The following is the Allowance of Diet for all Prisoners confined in the Lock-ups in the County of N----:

BREAKFAST AT 8 O'CLOCK

1/2 lb. of bread (best seconds); 1 pint of tea or coffee, with sugar.

DINNER AT 1 O'CLOCK

Sundays, Tuesdays, Thursdays and Saturdays.

1/2 lb. of bread, 1/2 lb. of potatoes, 4 ozs. cooked meat without bone.

Mondays, Wednesdays and Fridays

1/2 lb. of bread, 1/2 lb. potatoes, 1 pint soup containing 3 ozs. meat.

SUPPER AT 6 O'CLOCK

1/2 lb. of bread, 1 pint of tea or coffee with sugar.

The coffee or tea is to be made sufficiently strong, and the meat to be hot.

Any person not being supplied according to the above scale ought to complain to the Superintendent of the Station, who has strict orders to report the complaint to the Chief Constable.

Each meal had the same effect on the writer, but relief came next day when relatives supplied me with good things. However, day and night passed with leaden feet, moments were apparently taking the space of hours, and sleep was impossible. Think of the marvellous transformation; from a happy home and comfortable, easy bed to a cold white glazed brick chamber, whose furniture was wholly composed of a few boards roughly nailed together for a bed.

But trial day came, and before noon we were ushered into the presence of the 'powers that be.' Mine was the first case. Entering the dock, my eyes instantly rested on relatives in the court, and, since only a glance was permissible, my feelings at this point were indescribable. A solicitor, on my behalf, questioned his client very minutely, and then addressed the judge, challenging the faulty phraseology of the Military Service Act, and pleading for the prisoner to be allowed to continue his usual employment, which was specified as of National Importance. Although the verdict was premeditated, the judge sought his clerk's advice before announcing the universal verdict: Forty-shillings fine and 'handed over.'

Another visit to the cells ensued to await military escort. Our pre-conceived notions of army life received an awakening when we were introduced to our khaki host by the warder - one man for two prisoners, by the way. He was a real gentleman - no handcuffs, no bullying, no frowns, no jeers, nothing but welcome smiles, and words something like these, 'I hate this job, but I've got to do it.' Emerging into the street once more, one felt the shackles of confinement instantly loosed and forsaken, temporarily at any rate, and found fond greeting awaiting from one's nearest of kin. We had overcome one obstacle and were fully prepared for the next.

Under an hour's time, we were moving in the train en route for the barracks, and again coming events occupied too large a sphere of our horizon which, in a degree, brought us to a state of despondency. On arrival at barracks, among the busy stir of hundreds of recruits passing to and fro, with occasional bugle blasts and harsh voices here and there of 'Shun,' 'Halt,' 'Quick March,' 'About Turn,' etc., we were led before an army officer who required answers to a list of questions. 'Married or Single?' was one question, and my reply was the former. [Since the 'I will' was said after Nov. 2, 1915, I was deemed to be a single married man ]. 'Sign here for wife's allowance,' said he in a stern authoritative tone. 'That I cannot do.' I replied gently, and added that if I did, my wife absolutely refused to accept any army pay. Whereupon the storm of his language arose, the wind of his temper waxed strong, and after giving an exhibition of his innermost feelings and thoughts, he commanded the escort to confine me to the guard-room and to shoot me if he liked. The guard-room was reached, the door clanged, and the huge bolt shot home. I now realised that I had indeed been 'Handed Over.'

... ... ... ...

APPRECIATION

In such a record as this, I am constrained to mention those to whom we owe much and to extend to them heartfelt thanks and appreciation for invaluable advice, encouragement and assistance which extended over that period of exile from home for nearly three years, especially to Brethren T.E. Entwistle, Geo. Hassell, W. Crosthwaite, J. Luck, J. Barker, R. Price, E. Forsyth, and S. Jepson.

A VOW FOR FREEDOM

God speed the day when human blood
Shall cease to flow!
In every clime be understood
The claims of human brotherhood,
And each return for evil, good -
Not blow for blow.
That day will come all feud to end,
And change into a faithful friend
Each foe.
Until that year, day, hour arrive -
If life be given -
With head and heart and hand I'll strive
To break the rod, and rend the gyve;
The spoiler of his prey, deprive -
Go witness, Heaven!
And never from my chosen post,
Whate'er the peril; or the cost,
Be driven.

WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON

WHAT are you in for?' Almost invariably this was the greeting one received as he entered the guard room.

'Refusing to obey orders!'

'Oh! You'll get a D.C.M. (District Court Martial).

'Yes, I know that.'

The calm reply astonishes most soldiers. 'Remanded for Court Martial,' were words a soldier hated and dreaded to hear. They meant, in most cases, weeks or months spent inside the walls of a military prison, with a more stringent discipline than in camp; drilling exercise at the double, less food, more work, and worst of all - loss of liberty.

For the Conscientious Objector it possessed no terrors. Rather it meant another opportunity to voice his convictions, of spreading the principles of the Prince of Peace, and now and then an interesting discussion on the merits of the war, and of its efficiency, or otherwise, as a means of settling the disputes between nations.

The award of a Court Martial never worried the Christian objector. He knew that no matter what defence he had to offer, the end was just the same - PRISON!

Courts-Martial, for the conscientious objector for that reason alone, were simply a farce.

The government would have saved themselves a great amount of worry and anxiety, if the C.O. had been left to be dealt with by the civil law. How much disaffection among the troops was caused by their witnessing the stand made by the C.O.'s against a whole nation in arms may never be known. For how much of the back-bone in many of the ex-service men's organisations they are responsible may never be estimated, but certain it is that they exerted a great influence for good on the rank and file, which the combined efforts of a world of force could not counteract.

There is nothing in all the proceedings, preceding and attending a Court Martial, which has a tendency to promote confidence in the prisoner. Suppression of individuality seems to be the one thing aimed at. At every step he is made to feel the ignominy of his position as keenly as possible. The whole camp seems to be full of officers. No wonder that, with such a weight of authority confronting him, the poor soldier feels that submission is wisdom's way.

Time after time, he is remanded until the day fixed for the Court Martial. (The writer was remanded seventeen times). But at last, the day arrives - all too soon for the soldier, but waited and wished for by the C.O., for after a C.O. has been in camp some time he is glad even to get back to prison.

The following defence made at the third Court Martial is similar to those made at previous ones:

'The position which I occupy today is not the result of the want of respect to properly constituted authority, but out of respect to that which I believe to be far above all principalities and powers - the authority of God himself; and I feel compelled to repeat the question asked by one of the disciples of Jesus in the earliest days of Christianity: 'Whether it be better to obey God or man; judge ye!'

God has said, and He whom God sent to be Saviour of the world, repeated it, 'Thou shalt not kill.' From my childhood I have been trained in the fear and knowledge of God. Eleven years ago, I became a Christian, and the Churches of Christ, of which I am a member, have always, up to the present war, consistently opposed all war, as their literature can testify. Many of these Churches separated members who became soldiers and who refused to be bought out of the Army. It is no wonder, therefore, that I feel compelled to refuse to participate - either directly or indirectly - in war.

I believe war to be the most inhuman expedient the world has ever used in settling disputes between nation and nation. War never dethroned power, it only enthrones one power in the place of another.

Science has prostituted her knowledge to the destruction of human life in devising and inventing weapons of war, so desolating in their effect that Europe, part of Asia and Egypt have been turned into one great field of slaughter, where millions of precious lives are being sacrificed. What profit then the material wisdom and power! A great responsibility lies at the door of the professing Christian churches. A Staff Captain in the Army, interviewed by the Daily News said, 'War is now so utterly unholy a business that, though we grant that the man of God should be where sins are thickest, yet in some obscure way, we feel that the Church is much to blame for the whole horrible affair. What in God's name has it been doing for centuries?' This is an assertion that if the Churches had been faithful to the Prince of Peace, whom they call Lord, war would be an impossibility. I believe this. The Gospel of Jesus Christ is the only power on earth which will remove this dreaded evil, for its one great design is to take possession of the heart of man, to transform him into the image in which God created him, pure, peaceful and loving. God, however, is able to make even the wrath of man to praise Him, and I rejoice in this, that the principles of the Prince of Peace are more known today than ever. The Government may permit the persecution of those who choose to follow in His footsteps, but the banner of Peace and Good Will still moves forward, and ultimately all men will be persuaded to beat their swords into ploughshares and their spears into pruning hooks. It is in this hope, and through the grace that is given to me in Christ, that I am cheerful and willing, for His sake, to face whatever the future may hold.

I have stated my conscientious reasons first, because had the Military Service Acts provided no exemption, my position would remain unaltered. The Act itself is a usurpation of authority. It usurps the authority of God and blatantly exalts a company of the created, above the Creator. It does what God has never done; demands that every man, with certain exemptions, shall deliver himself, body, soul and spirit into the hands of the Government, and if he fails to comply takes forcible bodily possession of him. For this reason, too, I could never consent to submit to such a demand. I have said that there were certain exemptions provided by the Military Service Act. One of these exemptions is that those who were acknowledged to be genuine Conscientious Objectors were to receive absolute exemption. Parliament clearly intended that such exemptions should be given, but the Tribunals, in the vast majority of cases, openly flouted the authority of the Acts.

I am one of those acknowledged to be genuine but refused the exemption claimed under the provisions of the Act. The Act itself exempted me through the administration of the Tribunals, and there I can never be deemed a soldier and consequently am not subject to military discipline. Therefore, though the evidence against me may be true, I deny that the commands given to me were lawful. Further, in my refusal to obey such commands, I only seek justice and that which the law allows. Again, I deny the authority of commands issued in this camp. This is a combatant camp and I am entitled to be placed in a non-combatant camp. If I had obeyed the orders given to me, I would have forfeited my title to the certificate of non-combatancy given to me by two tribunals. Therefore, the commands were illegal. The authorities in this camp knew that I was entitled to be sent to such a camp and ought to have transferred me as a matter of simple justice. However, in justice to the Court, I must say that I should have taken up the same position had I been placed in such camp.

In conclusion I cannot take part - either directly or indirectly - in the slaughter of my fellows and must, as often as I am returned to the Military Authorities, continue as I have begun, knowing that the ultimate victory lies with those who put their trust in Him who is greater than all..' *

Through camp and prison alike, I was sustained by the conviction that the course I was pursuing was the right one, and the one which would most surely bring, in its fullness, the Kingdom founded, not on force, but on the loving constraint of the meek and lowly Nazarene; the Kingdom for which he died.

Two days after the trial, the sentence was promulgated in public - on the sea shore. The Battalion was drawn up four square. I was placed in the centre and the commanding officer read out the sentence: 'Two years imprisonment with hard labour, for disobeying a lawful command given by his superior officer, when on active service.'

Amongst the audience was a Church of England minister. As he stood listening I could not help wondering what were the thoughts of the so called servant of the Prince of Peace. My thoughts then turned to the Churches of Christ, and I wondered still more.

* Reprinted from The Apostolic Messenger.

FETTERED YET FREE

(Written on the day that Leigh Hunt left prison).

What though, for showing truth to flattered state,
King Hunt was shut in prison? Yet has he,
In his immortal spirit, been as free
As the sky-searching lark, and as elate.
Minion of grandeur; think you he did wait
Think you he naught but prison walls did see -
Till, so unwillingly, thou turnedst the key?

Ah, no! far happier, nobler was his fate!
In Spencer's halls he strayed, and bowers fair,
Culling enchanted flowers; and he flew
With daring Milton, through the fields of air,
To regions of his own, his genius true
Took happy flights. Who shall his fame impair
When thou art dead, and all thy wretched crew?

JOHN KEATS

AFTER vigorously protesting against my illegal arrest, trial by a Military Court, and being placed in a combatant regiment, whilst in possession of a non-combatant certificate - not, as I pointed out, that the latter mattered anything, for I had determined not to aid the war directly or indirectly, roundabout or square, at home or abroad - I was sentenced by a Military Court to six month's imprisonment.

I have never before so much as seen a prison, and looked forward to my new experience with great expectations. As a boy, I had read in my history books of the imprisonment of many reformers in the religious and political world. My father used to send my blood coursing warmly through my veins by stories of relatives, some of whom were either imprisoned or transported for taking part in the Chartist rising. These all contributed to sending me off on my new errand with buoyant spirits.

Any buoyance or enthusiasm I possessed was doomed to meet an early death, and something more solid and lasting was needed in its place. Prison was not what I expected it to be!

On my arrival at Wormwood Scrubbs, I was surprised to find there were no quarries there. This surprise was expressed to me by others also. Having entered, my first feeling was that of curiosity - a hasty glance round and a first impression. Then - of a sense of seclusion from the world without - for six long months!

I was soon introduced to my first cell. As I was marched by a warder along a corridor, there fell on my ears the rather uncanny sound of the warder's jingling keys and the tread of his heavy boots. Having passed into my cell, I was pierced through by the banging of the door and the turning of the key in the lock behind me. Thus began the two long years of my incarceration!

There was now no buoyancy left. The outlook was changed. One can wax warm when addressing his tens or his hundreds. But under these circumstances one grows cold. No encouraging eye can be seen, no approving nod, no ringing cheers to stimulate, no criticism to call forth all one's energies in reply. No! all is the reverse! You are driven within yourself. You ask yourself: 'Is it worth the candle? Whatever has made me take this step? To where will your sufferings lead?' So I stood still; looked round, ruminated a little; realised my isolation and well-nigh choked with emotion, for I thought of home. I knew that somewhere in that same building was my only brother. I longed to speak to him; to signal that I was there, if only I could convey the word by telepathy! But I hadn't faith in that. Could he be in the next cell? I tapped at the wall. There was no response. I tapped again. The only answer was the echo from the empty halls. How near was the next man? How far? Just then the corridors echoed with the tread of some unknown person. Who could it be? My cell door opened and the warder handed in my first prison meal, a pint of porridge and an eight ounce loaf of brown bread, but sans butter, sans sugar, sans tasty bits - and sans appetite also.

I then began to collect myself, and I realised that this was solitary confinement. In other words, I was deprived of my elementary rights, vouchsafed to all creation, of associating with my kind. I know no worse or more brutal form of punishment. I have seen men driven stark mad by it. On men with a highly strung nervous temperament it is disastrous. If a man has a moral weakness it drives his weakness within him and weakens what strong points he made have. It is no cure for criminality! It aggravates it. My varied experience of prison life amply bears out these statements.

The rigours of prison life are not confined to your cell, but extend over a much wider field. A most barbarous rule is the silence rule! Imagine yourself having to suffer the indignity of having your letters, which are already regulated in number and matter, postponed for a week, and your yourself placed on bread and water for a week, plus being kept in your cell for the same length of time - all because you were caught talking to a fellow prisoner. Or a similar punishment because you are caught looking through your cell window. Nothing dare be in your cell but by the warder's permission, and such things as are there are to be placed according to the idiosyncrasies of the Governor. This exactness re details serves only to make the prisoner concentrate his mind on obscure matters, which is the tendency of cell life itself, and harms him in concentrating on anything of moment. I have often found myself counting the number of bricks there were in the walls of my cell, or the number of knots in the floor, or else engaging in the most fantastic dreams. These things drive out clear thinking, and make sound judgment more difficult; whilst the strictness of the warders makes men cunning and crafty, aiming at all kinds of devices and petty deceptions.

I had, however, much chance for study, and read extensively. I read secular and sacred history, studied Latin, Greek, Euclid and Algebra, and when later we secured greater liberty, I taught logic to some fellow prisoners, whilst they tried to teach me Esperanto, etc., but without much success. I conversed much with Quakers, and read a number of their books, but ever failed to appreciate their standpoint. Whilst in Wandsworth prison, I addressed their meetings four times, with varied effects upon their members. They do not appreciate a New Testament stand.

My conclusion, after calmly studying my two years' experience, is that I fail to find anything that can be said in favour of our present prison system. It is no cure for crime, for it brings offenders together where they clandestinely compare notes. Rather than inducing them to look at their act with shame, it causes them to dwell unduly on the same. 'Familiarity breeds contempt' is a maxim which applies here also, and they become crime hardened. They realise they have lost their name, and they go on from crime to crime. I view with pity the juvenile offender, who is seldom cured by the system, but rather marked out by it to become a frequenter of these quarters.

The system requires to be uprooted and supplanted by another which shall rest not on force and punishment, but which shall give greater facilities for moral education and a persuasiveness to amend. At present, this side lacks fearfully. The predominant religious element is the Church of England, whose ministers have free access to every cell. They run three and four meetings a week, but the spirituality of these meetings and visits is, I regret to have to say, at a very low ebb. Nonconformity should rise to the occasion and demand an equal standing with the State Church, a free access to all cells, the same as these religious state hirelings. A system is required which will not drive a man within himself, but which will raise him up higher. There is a germ of good in the heart of every man if only we can find it, and it is so valuable it is worth the effort. A soul is at stake!

Brute force is the underlying principle of our prison system, whether civil or military. In the latter, you find it carried out to its utmost logical conclusion. My knowledge of this is based on a month's stay in France, the first fourteen days at Etaples, the remainder at Les Attaque No. 5 Military Prison. It was here I witnessed, and experienced, the most barbarous treatment. I will content myself by giving an extract from a letter written by me on my return to Wandsworth Prison:-

'On the "compound" at Etaples, we were horse-whipped, half-choked by sandbags slung round our necks, and thrown into dark cells. Later, for an hour and a half, ten or twelve of the army's biggest bullies set about five of us, for refusing to obey the order to "double" - and we were whipped, struck and kicked, with fists and boots, thrown down, kicked whilst down, thrown against the railings, shaken as a dog would shake a rat, pushed and dragged about until totally exhausted, and we were all on the point of collapse.

'We were then transported to No. 5 Prison, Les Attaque. There, for refusing to unload a boat we were sentenced by another military tyrant to "fourteen days confinement to cell, fourteen days No. 1 Field Punishment, fourteen days No. 1 Diet." The field punishment consisted in being handcuffed twenty-four hours per day. During the daytime our hands were behind us, during the night they were fastened in front.'

I am told harrowing tales of men being doomed to death for small offences. But, not to rely on hearsay, I have seen men, or rather youths in their teens, beaten mercilessly with the buckle end of officers' belts, on head and face. At Les Attaque, I saw a youth chained hands and feet, stripped naked, doubled over an officer's knees, and then thrashed by two or three others with their metal mounted belts. The shrieks of agony, which lasted long after the incident was over, I shall never forget. Again, I heard the cries of a man who was shot whilst trying to escape. He was brought back, thrust into a cold cell, whipped with officers' belts, and allowed to bleed all night, if needs be to death.

J'ACCUSE.

There is no torture too severe, no punishment too harsh, if done to maintain the morale of the army. And these things were done with the full knowledge and consent of the authorities. I indict the Government of the day with knowing these things - for reports were made to them on the return to England of many who thus suffered - and permitting them to continue. And similar things are done in the military prisons in this country. I indict the Government with knowing these things and hypocritically howling down others for doing the self-same things. The independent mind which asserted itself in the army was thrust into prison, there to be bullied, starved and tortured till all love of independence was gone, and nought was left but a fearful slavish obedience, be he volunteer, conscript or conscientious objector - a man robbed of manhood. I indict them with soliciting my services to end such and yet applying it to me. I indict them with making such the foundation of the army. I indict the Church with defending a system which must have this as one of its integral parts. He must be more than a bold Christian who will justify this business.

I challenge contradiction of my statements and am prepared to prove them up to the hilt. These things happened in the sixth month of the year 1917, on the compound at Etaples and in No. 5 Prison, Les Attaque, Calais.

The following extract from a letter written at the time sets forth the spirit in which we were enabled to endure and become more than conquerors through Him that loved us:-

I shall no doubt come out of this crisis, by God's help, a vessel shaped more like the Divine image, made perfect through suffering.'

And the words of Robert Browning, as follows, will fittingly express what we desired and aimed to be in all our witness for Christ:

'One who never turned his back, but marched breast forward,
Never doubted clouds would break;
Never dreamed though right were worsted, wrong would triumph;
Held we fail to rise, are baffled to fight better, sleep to wake.'


IX. The Death Sentence.

BY CLIFFORD CARTWRIGHT.


'Be what thou seemest; live thy creed;
Hold up to earth the torch divine;
Be what thou prayest to be made,
Let the great Master's steps be thine.

H. Bonar.

DURING the early stages of the great war, many who had been endeavouring to live up to the ideals of New Testament Christianity found themselves confronted with a grave problem which had perhaps never before obtained their serious thought. The attitude of those who decided that war was contrary to the teachings of the great Law-giver, has left its mark on the pages of history and, although small in number in comparison to those who rendered obedience to their earthly King, the history of the C.O. will live whilst the story of the world war is told.

It is not often that individuals are faced with that extreme sentence for endeavouring to do what is right, yet, such was the case of some who, realising the futility of war and its opposition to the teachings of Christ, decided to entirely oppose such, without fearing the probable consequences.

At Richmond (North Yorks.), on the 29th of May, 1916, a number of men, who had continually refused all orders were warned that the company to which they were attached was to proceed to France, and that they were to accompany it. This was hardly expected by five of us, who had already been court-martialled and were awaiting sentence. However, the sentence was read the same day, and we, along with the rest, had to journey to Southampton under escort. Many were the impressions on our way as we sang hymns at various stations, and although prisoners, people were surprised at our cheerful disposition. Having arrived at Southampton, we went on board ship and accompanied by two destroyers were landed at Le Havre. From here, we journeyed by train to Boulogne, orders having been continually refused, which we expected would lead to court-martial, but such did not happen until the party arrived at its destination.

Early one morning, at Boulogne, we were awakened by the Sergt.-Major for parade; this we ignored until we were told that the officer was down at the docks, and there we could state our objections to him. Under this agreement, we went to the docks, but found no officer on arrival but an order to unload ships. This being refused, we were taken back to camp under escort, and at night evidence was taken for a Field General Court Martial. Particulars having been taken, we were eventually taken to the Field Punishment Barracks at Boulogne, a disused fish-market near the Quay. There we were placed in dark and disgracefully crowded cells, eleven of us being in a cell about 11 feet square, pitch dark, with a stone floor and one blanket as a bed. Here we kept happy by discussing many of the topics of the day of a religious and political character, or as one said 'from the existence of a personal Devil to one on the merits of Esperanto.'

On June 11, 1916, our charge sheets were given us, and we were told our court-martial would take place the following day. Meanwhile, we had been fully noting the routine of the Military Prison, the treatment given to the soldiers, and occasionally exchanging a few words with them. The following day, an escort came to the Field Punishment Barracks to accompany us to the place of trial. As we climbed up the hill-side, we got a good view of the city and could see the channel with the white cliffs of Dover in the distance; many a glance was cast in that direction, and we wondered if ever we should tread those shores again. After being shut off from the world and in darkness for so long, it was good to view once more the glories of nature and God's handiwork, and one thought of the contrast with the destruction taking place not far away. At last, we reached our destination, and one by one our defence was given for the cause for which we individually stood. My turn came and the charge was read:

No. 871. Private C. Cartwright, 2nd Northern N.C.C.

Sec. 9(1) A.A. Disobeying, in such a manner as to show a wilful defiance of authority, a lawful command given personally by his superior officer, in the execution of his office, in that he, at Boulogne, on 6th June, 1916, when, as one of a working party at the docks, he was personally ordered by Sergt. ----, the non-commissioned officer in charge of the party to commence work, did not do so, saying 'My religious convictions won't allow me to do it' or words to that effect.

The question was then put, 'Guilty or not guilty,' to which the answer was given 'Not guilty.' This was then followed by the reading aloud of the history of the prisoner during his service with the colours, conduct, crimes committed, decorations awarded, etc.

Three N.C.O.'s were then called to give evidence respecting the charge, having themselves been present at the time of refusal. Opportunity was then given for cross questioning if the prisoner desired. The most important was the giving of the defence - one not prepared with the aid of a solicitor; with no great personal knowledge as regards Army law and regulations - but a defence based entirely on New Testament teaching. Such was the defence which was prepared whilst we sat on the prison yard floor at Boulogne. After being read, this was given to the court and attached to the court martial papers; and after a few formularies had been attended to, the trial ended. We were then taken by escort back to the Field Punishment Barracks.

One of the chief difficulties one met was that of suspense: awaiting trial, promulgation of sentence, and continual thought as to the future. One realised that in the ordinary course disobedience met with severe and extreme punishment, and this made everything so uncertain. However, we continued to cheer each other until the 24th June, when we were told that we were to hear our sentence. We were anxious to know this and were glad to feel that soon the verdict would be known. We turned into a huge military camp where soldiers formed themselves into three sides of a huge square, several hundreds being present. When silence had been obtained, the officer in charge read the sentence:

'Private ----, No. ---, of the 2nd Northern N.C.C., tried by Field General Court-Martial for disobedience, sentenced to death by being shot' [pause] 'confirmed, by General Sir Douglas Haig [another pause] 'and commuted to 10 years penal servitude.'

After all, the extreme sentence had been reduced to one of penal servitude and one could hardly realise one's feelings at such a time. Whilst many suffered bodily torture far more than we did, yet the separation from the outside world, the entire suspense, along with the possibility of what might have happened, demanded the existence of a principle with which to face it. One of the things which was prevalent in most minds during such a period of uncertainty, was the continual thought of events and circumstances in each of our past lives. The realisation of our own failures and what we each could have done.

I was glad, as a member of the Church of Christ, to represent those who were taking a similar stand, by being amongst the number who were able to prove their convictions on foreign shores, where war was raging. It was for each to prove that not only are the teachings of Jesus, which we tried to observe, not within the realm of ideality along, but also of practicability. Let us never feel satisfied with ourselves until such is accomplished and if necessary face 'The Death Sentence,' realising that 'all things work together for good, to them that love God,' and let us count the present sufferings unworthy to be compared with our future happiness, realising,

'That here and now, on earth some glimpse is given,
Of joys which wait us through the gates of heaven.'

Continue to Part 2